Three Parties: Laborers, Capitalists and Landlords
Frederick Verinder: My Neighbor's
Landmark: Short Studies in Bible Land Laws (1911) — Chapter 2: First
Principles: "The Earth is The Lord's"
THE general principles upon which the Hebrew Land Laws were based are
absolutely fatal to the idea of private property in land. It would
be too little to say that land monopoly was treated with great severity
by the
Law: the Law was expressly designed to make it impossible, for the
Lawgiver knew that there can be no social justice in a State while what
Herbert
Spencer called "the equal right to the use of the earth" is
denied to its members.
§ 2. The keynote is struck in the very first sentence of the Pentateuch. "In
the beginning God created the heaven and the earth," and is frequently
repeated elsewhere. "The sea is His, and He made it and His hands
formed the dry land." "The earth is the Lord's, and the fulness
thereof; the world and they that dwell therein. For He hath founded it
upon the seas, and established it upon the floods." "The world
is Mine, and the fulness thereof." "Thus saith the Lord, The
heaven is My throne, and the earth is My footstool … for all those
things hath Mine hand made." God Almighty is, therefore, by right
of creation, the only landlord. When the late Lord Salisbury attempted,
in the House of Lords, to justify the preferential claim of the landlord
over all the other creditors of the farmer, on the ground that "the
landlord furnishes the land" to the farmer, his statement would
have been regarded by the Hebrew Lawgiver as blasphemous, and would
probably
have been characterised by the plain-speaking Amos in language to which
most of our newspapers would hesitate to accord the honor of a verbatim
report.
34 In 1885, Speech on the "British Agricultural Association Bill." The
Bill proposed "to enable a company of capitalists to lend money to
the farmer against his crop," the crop being ear-marked, as against
other creditors, for the repayment of the advance. "But it is to be
noticed," said this sturdy champion of landlordism, "that it
is not proposed that he (the capitalist) should stand before the landlord,
because that would not be just. The landlord furnishes the land, and the
capitalist the capital, and it would not be fair that the capitalist should
come and thrust the landlord aside, and stand before him. The landlord's
interest is saved. He has an absolute veto on any proceedings under this
bill."
... Read the whole chapter,
including footnotes
8. Power in the Wasteland:
Understanding Essential Relationships
Many liberation theologists ignore the role of land ownership and do not even
include land in the indexes of their books. Yet none would deny that land hoarding
and land access are fundamental issues of
justice and economic development.
The following two passages by Henry George, the economist who made the most definitive
statements on land's role in political economy, illustrate the fundamental characteristics
of land that are missed or ignored by modern economic analysts of the left and
the right:
Does the
passenger who enters a railroad car obtain the right to scatter his baggage
over all the seats and compel the passengers who come in after him to
stand up? ... We arrive and we depart... passengers from station to station,
on an orb that whirls through space — our rights to take and possess
cannot be exclusive; they must be bounded everywhere by the equal rights
of others. Just as the passenger in a railroad car may spread himself
and his baggage over as many seats as he pleases, until other passengers
come in, so may a settler take as much land as he chooses, until it is
needed by others — a fact which is shown by the land acquiring
a value....
On the land we are born, from it we live,
to it we return again — children of the soil as truly as is the blade
of grass or the flower of the field. Take away from man all that belongs
to the land, and he is but a disembodied spirit. Material progress cannot
rid us of our dependence upon land.
Beneath all ideologies, there are basic factors and relationships that underlie
economic behavior. To understand the (otherwise inexplicable) omission of attention
to land's economic importance, it is useful to go
back to these basics.
- The term "Land" refers to the whole material
universe, exclusive of people and their products. Not the creation
of human labor, yet essential to labor, it is the raw material from which
all wealth is fashioned. It includes not only soil and minerals, but water,
air, natural vegetation and wildlife, and all natural opportunities — even
those yet to be discovered. It is a passive factor of production,
yielding wealth only when labor is applied to it.
- Labor includes
all human powers, mental and physical, used directly or indirectly
to produce goods or to render service in exchange. Labor is often thought
of as work
that is done for hire, at fixed wages, mainly excluded from the risk-taking
and decision-making that is normally classed under the heading of "entrepreneurship".
Yet labor, properly understood, includes all human exertion in production — including
mental exertion. The payment to labor is called Wages. And it is important to remember
that the payment, or return, to labor does not include any returns
that are the result of monopoly.
- Capital is
the economic term that is most profoundly misunderstood and confused.
For the term to make sense in any systematic analysis of wealth distribution,
we must define capital in its classical sense as "wealth which is used to
aid in further production, instead of being directly consumed." Since production
is not completed until the product is in the hands of the consumer, products
on their way to market, or "wealth in the course of exchange," are
also considered capital.
Now, the objective of all economic behavior
is the satisfaction of human desires. Human beings always seek to satisfy their
desires with the least exertion: this self-evident proposition lies at
the heart of our concepts of economic value and
exchange. The primary thing needed for satisfaction is, of course,
the tangible things, made from natural resources, that satisfy human desires
and
have exchange value. Things that meet these four
fundamental criteria are termed "wealth". But money, bonds, and mortgages
are but claims upon and measures of this value; they are not
the wealth they symbolize.
A clear understanding of these basic definitions points immediately to the primacy
of land as an economic factor. Human beings have inescapable material needs of
food, clothing and shelter. Regardless of how long a chain of exchanges they
may pass through in a modern economy, these things ultimately have their source
in the land; they
can come from nowhere else. Human beings need
land in order to live. But if we must pay rent to a private
land "owner" for access to the gifts of nature, it amounts to being charged a
fee for our very right to live.
Land's value goes up when population increases
and technological and economic development make labor more productive. Those
who "own" land often withhold it from use, expecting to capture its increased
value in the future — thus, the possession of land enables people to take
an
income that they did nothing to produce.
Speculative withholding of land has disastrous
consequences. Peasants who seek land on which to survive are pushed out to poorer
and poorer lands. These "sub-marginal" lands become their alternative
place for self-employment. With such a poor alternative, they have no choice
but to accept very low wages. Rent — the payment to landowners — absorbs
more
of the wealth
produced on all sites.
Land speculation also prevents development near the center of cities, pushing
it to the outskirts while the center decays from neglect and slums increase.
The "sprawl" engulfs farms and forests,
even as it raises the price of land, making
use and development more costly.
Rapid destruction of the Amazon rain forest in Brazil dramatizes how the unnatural
phenomenon of sprawl has an ominous worldwide impact on the environment. In Brazil,
ten per cent of the landowners own 80 percent of the land, while one million
peasants are forced off the land each year. And a mere one per cent controls
48 percent of the cultivable land. The only place in Brazil where there is land
for the taking is in the Amazon rain forest. The destruction of the rain forest
is caused by a system that perpetuates artificial land shortages. Nearly four-fifths
of Brazil's arable land is covered by sprawling latifundios, most of which are
held by speculators who produce nothing.
Here is the root cause of poverty. When laborers
are faced with the choice of either bare subsistence wages or land that can barely
maintain life, labor itself is marginalized and cannot effectively bargain on
its own behalf. Wages, generally, on all land, are driven down toward the point
of bare subsistence. Returns to capital are also depressed for the same reason,
deterring investment. When this is carried to an extreme — when people
can no longer afford the goods being produced and when there is little profit
in applying
capital — the economy collapses. The inflated land market, on which the
speculative
frenzy has fed, collapses too.
Since the Great Depression, such total ruin has been minimized in more developed
nations through Keynesian measures: monetary expansion, massive public works
and welfare programs. In Third World countries, such Keynesian expedients, which
support high speculative rent levels, work only if demand for exports is strong.
When that demand weakens, the weight of external debt becomes so crushing as
to defy redemption.
The Third World debt crisis is taken by many as the clearest sign of the
correctness of dependency theory. It is asserted that Western moneylenders
have extended
loans to corrupt regimes, knowing that the nations' peoples would have to
sacrifice to bear ever-increasing burdens. But when we recognize the land
problem as the
basic cause of
the kind of economic collapse that has led to the "foreign debt
crisis", it becomes clear that Western financial interests did not create
those maladies but rather exploited the hapless economic policies of developing
nations
for their own gain.
Some defenders of the status quo admit that
all land titles may be traced either to acts of force or fraud (or to the more
respectable-sounding "priority of occupation"). But, they add, we cannot start
over; society has for centuries given legal sanction to private landed property.
Innumerable contracts have been executed on the basis of this sanction, and these
include the good faith purchase of land. For society to withdraw this sanction,
they
claim, would be a breach of trust.
The passage of time,
however, cannot turn a wrong into a right. Kings and popes and governments never had
the moral right to vest in perpetual ownership what God intended for the benefit
of all. If the acquisition of a benefit under the law were to establish
such a vested right, no law could ever be amended, since it would invariably
work to someone's
disadvantage.
Obviously, change that further rends the fabric of society is usually self-defeating.
And the vast majority of beneficiaries of unjust structures — the beleaguered
middle classes — are not intentional wrongdoers but passive recipients
of unearned wealth from a flawed system they did not create. The dismantling
of these structures, therefore, should, whenever possible, be done in ways
that avoid excessive hardship
for them. But it must be done.
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